On Saturday 24 January 2026 we held our second Troublemakers At Work AGM. The presentations are available here. It started with an excellent public discussion on countering the far right at work. This included an overview of the far-right threat, including disentangling supporters of Reform into separate groups. The discussion then moved to identifying far-right talking points and discussing how we can counter them, and how to deal with far-right supporters in our unions. While a range of views were expressed, some main points from this discussion were as follows:
- Importance of rank-and-file initiative
- Union officials often avoid confronting Reform-supporting ideas, creating a vacuum which allows right-wing narratives to grow.
- Rank-and-file activists therefore have a central political task: engaging with members patiently, politically, and confidently, using class-based arguments.
- Democratic deficits inside unions (e.g. motions passed but not implemented) deepen cynicism, which Reform then exploits.
- Engagement beats demonisation – but boundaries matter
- Reform supporters are not a homogenous group; activists must start from what individuals actually believe.
- Patient, respectful engagement can win people over, especially when rooted in shared workplace interests and collective solutions.
- However, when racism or attacks on members occur, clear lines must be enforced so union branches are welcoming spaces for racialised people, trans people etc.
- Class politics must be foregrounded, not outsourced
- Anti-racist and anti-fascist activism has achieved important gains, but class-based arguments and organising are essential to counter Reform’s appeal.
- Relying too heavily on other organisations (“outsourcing” anti-fascist work) risks weakening union ownership of anti-fascist struggles.
- While other organisations currently fill a real gap and shouldn’t be dismissed or boycotted, they are not sufficient substitutes for union-led political organising.
- Reform’s vulnerabilities are class-based
- Reform’s inability to govern effectively as seen in the councils they currently run is not, by itself, a convincing argument for many workers.
- Stronger points include: Reform’s alignment with austerity and business interests; Scapegoating migrants to distract from low pay, job insecurity, and collapsing public services; Climate denialism and links to fossil fuel funding
- There is a need to identify and popularise a clear set of class-based that consistently undermine Reform’s credibility.
- Far-right narratives connect to real anger and powerlessness
- Far-right talking points (migration, women’s safety, economic decline) resonate because they tap into material insecurity and emotional frustration.
- Facts alone are insufficient; responses must also engage with feelings of powerlessness, offering collective, radical alternatives grounded in solidarity.
- Political education is a major weakness in unions
- Many unions lack systematic political education, allowing mainstream media and right-wing narratives to dominate workplace discussions.
- This depoliticisation is seen by some as an active strategy of union bureaucracies and directly benefits Reform and the wider far right.
- The far-right is using a wide range of issues to attract support (see the word cloud of responses from participants, in the presentation), not just racism.
- Unions must take an offensive, visible role
A defensive “don’t upset anyone” approach fuels disengagement and legitimises reactionary ideas.
Workers should:
- Push their unions to produce their own literature (FAQs, leaflets) debunking Reform from a class perspective
- Organise workplace discussions and local events to tackle the issues the far-right organise around but from a union perspective – actually trying to improve things rather than scapegoating
- Build visible, independent trade union blocs at demonstrations
- Embed anti-fascist and anti-racist work within broader struggles over pay, jobs, housing, climate, and public services
After a break, members and delegates from affiliated organisations dealt with the formal AGM business.
Sally Heier presented a financial report from Troublemakers At Work Limited.
Ian Allinson reported on membership and affiliations (see the slide pack).
Stephen Beck also provided reports on the work of the Troublemakers Team (see the slide pack).
There was a wide-ranging discussion about plans and priorities. Main points and suggestions were:
- Attendees volunteered to follow up with various affiliates.
- A draft of the How To Win A Strike briefing had been circulated. Any final comments should be sent in as soon as possible.
- We could turn the briefing into a printed pamphlet and a presentation that can be used at union meetings. The latter and the idea of inviting a Troublemakers speaker should be advertised in the briefing.
- Material (possibly a leaflet) to help campaign against the far right at work.
- First regional Troublemakers conferences to be organised in Leeds, Edinburgh and Sheffield.
- An online event to discuss campaigning around the implementation of the Employment Rights Act 2025, in particular to demand the repeal of the 50% ballot turnout threshold. The meeting agreed to explore working with other organisations such as Free Our Unions on this campaign and to look at providing a model resolution.
- Strike Map/Mega Picket for the Birmingham bins strike on January 30.
No rule change motions or other motions were submitted for this AGM.
In terms of elections, Ian Allinson did not stand again as coordinator but proposed that there be three coordinators, and this was agreed. No additional candidates were nominated. Stephen Beck and Sally Heier were elected as coordinators.
The constitution says that the AGM should nominate between six and nine people to be members of Troublemakers At Work Ltd. Ian Allinson proposed that six members be nominated, and this was agreed. Six candidates stood for election, and all were elected.